MAC: Mines and Communities

Urgent Action on Crisis Involving Exxon in Colombia

Published by MAC on 2001-08-03



Exxon's 100% owned mining subsidiary Intercor is poised to evict all residents of the indigenous/ campesino community of Tabaco in the province of La Guajira, Colombia, on 9th or 10th August, in order to facilitate expansion of South America's biggest coal strip mine, Cerrejon Norte.


Residents have been resisting eviction and holding out for an adequate relocation package which would allow the whole community to stay together and move to a new site where they could continue to practice small-scale agriculture. The relocation arrangements on offer from the company would break up the community and ensure that most members had insufficient funds to buy land from which to live - the result would be poverty and unemployment in nearby towns, already swollen with people displaced by Colombia's internal war.

Intercor is now threatening to use Colombian police and army personnel to force the residents to move. residents are determined to resist. The community's legal representative, Armando Perez, fears a massacre.

"The Colombian Government and Judges Violates the Indigenous People and Peasants in the Vicinity of the Coal Mine Exploited by Exxon subsidiary Intercor, Billiton, Glencore and Anglo-American.

The most shameless and absurd collusion with the mining companies, smashing the human rights of the indigenous people and peasants in the region of La Guajira (North Colombia), has taken place in the last few days. The decision to expropriate a town, functioning with public authority, its cemetery, school, health centre, telecommunications office, streets and squares etc. is without precedent in contemporary legal history. This decision was taken by the Pastrana government through its Minister of Mines and Energy Luis Carlos Valenzuela, the same man who just a few months ago was involved in punishable conduct, for which, incredibly, he is now granted impunity by the National Attorney General.

This decision means that the resident families may be judicially robbed of the very homes they live in, including the possibility that these humble people will be ejected and their homes destroyed before their eyes.

It would not be the first time that such a thing has occurred. One of the community's strategies has been to take refuge in the Catholic church, whose building is the property of the Tabaco community. But it seems that this will not be possible, because the Italian priest Marcelo Graciosi sold the church to the US multinational [Intercor], with the visible intention of stopping them getting refuge. This was a clear manoeuvre by the Intercor corporation, operating the mining contract, which counted on the complicity of a delinquent and immoral priest. Armando Larios is the new bishop. He says that he is sorry for what has happened, that he takes no part in it, but he cannot undo the deal...

The Tabaco community requires a humanitarian solidarity action to stop the abuse and avoid, please God, a massacre. The position of the people is that they will not yield to being trampled on...

Next to Tabaco is another community, Tamaquitos, which is an indigenous community that has been abused and de-recognised, reaching the extreme point that the office of Indigenous Affairs was trying to affirm that it did not exist. The person in charge of this office, Marcela Bravo, commissioned an [anthropological] study whose findings were adverse to her anti-indigenous posture. She then refused to pay the fee of professional who had been contracted, because this person refused to reformulate the social scientific study according to Bravo's dictate.

On top of this criminal attitude by the government and the judges, the environmental situation is worsening, as part of orchestrated hostilities to asphyxiate the families in these towns ..."

Armando Pérez Araújo, 1st August 2001, La Guajira, Colombia.


1) ESSO the UK subsidiary of Exxon-Mobil

The email address for Ansel Condray, Chairman of Esso UK, is Phone: 020 7412 4585, Fax: 020 7412 4133.

2) CECODES, the Colombian Employers Council for Sustainable Development

Intercor is a member. Other members include BP and Monsanto. This group claims to promote an institutional framework for sustainable development, something which clearly has not happened in La Guajira.

E-mail: Fax: 00571 622 1157

3) President Pastrana

Doctor Andres Pastrana Arango
President of the Republic, Palacio de Narino, Santafe de Bogota DC
Fax: 00571 3362109 / 337 1351 / 2867434 / 286 6842


1) Colombia Solidarity Campaign

2) Armando Perez Arajo


South America's largest coal strip mines at Cerrejon are controlled by US-based Exxon and a consortium consisting of three multinationals, Swiss-based Glencore and London-based Billiton and Anglo-American.

Over the history of the mining concessions, local communities have been forcibly relocated, with inadequate or non-existent compensation.

On 25th June 2001, one of the local community activists was attacked by mining company security guards and detained, together with a Wayuu journalist and a Wayuu cameraman and two other people, while filming environmental damage around Tabaco... it is clear that the perpetrators of the violence were security personnel employed by Intercor.

"Five people - Vicenta Siosi (Indigenous writer and journalist), Jose Julio Perez (President of the Tabaco Community Action Committee), Carlos Epiayu (Indigenous cameraman), Arcadio Pinto (member of the community) and Mario Alberto Perez (working voluntarily as a teacher at the school so that they will not close it) - were brutally threatened with firearms by thirty armed men belonging to the company's security guard, who forced them to hand over the cine camera with which they were filming the condition of the springs and roads around Tabaco, which are being blocked by sterile material from the mine. This is increasing the isolation of the community of Tabaco.

The security personnel argued that this video was being made for the guerrillas and that the cameraman could therefore not continue filming and had to hand over the camera. The cameraman refused to hand over the camera and this produced a violent response.

Jose Julio was punched on the nose, which was broken as a result. Vicenta Siosi was manhandled and forced to get into a police vehicle by being beaten around the head with a gun. The others were also attacked and detained by the police, who arrived in order to defuse the confrontation between the group of thirty men and the group who were filming. The persons detained were held in the police station at Albania [the nearest town] for around three to four hours. The police reviewed the video with the security detachment from the mine and realised that there was nothing bad about it. The police then asked the security detachment whether they should give the video back or not (which indicates that the police are completely biased in favour of the company). Then Armando Perez arrived and succeeded in negotiating the return of the video and the release of the detained persons."


"Villagers in Tabaco complain that their houses are cracking up because of blasting from the mine and that their main water source is polluted with coal dust. Pasture land is being lost as mining operations come closer. Many villagers have already left, accepting the company's financial 'compensation offer', which is based on prices determined by the company itself and is insufficient to enable villagers to buy enough land to practice agriculture elsewhere. But remaining villagers are insisting on a proper relocation programme based on the principle of 'land for land', which the government has supposedly accepted.

Meanwhile, Intercor/Carbocol* is attempting to persuade the residents to accept its derisory compensation offer by making life in Tabaco less attractive. The church has been ruined: Intercor/Carbocol bought it from the local bishop (even though it was the local people who built it and paid for it with their own money) and wrecked it. The communications centre and the clinic were closed by the local authority at the company's insistence. The hope is that villagers will simply give up and leave.

Other communities have fared worse. Nearby Manantial and Carracoli were simply broken up by violence and dispersed without compensation. At Espinal, police trucks arrived one day to remove the villagers to a new site at Rio de Janeiro. Those who co-operated received some funding for new community facilities. Those who demurred were forcibly removed at night to an unproductive, waterless site a few kilometres from Rio de Janeiro. A hundred kilometres to the northeast, on the coast, the Wayuu fishing community at Media Luna was broken up by armed force in 1982 so that Intercor could construct a port for the export of coal from Cerrejon Norte. The port (Puerto Bolivar) is heavily guarded. The railway from the mine cuts across Wayuu ancestral territory and was constructed in 1982 without Wayuu consent a year after the Colombian government decreed the area an Indigenous Resguardo.

Immediately to the south of the Cerrejon Norte concession are the concessions of Cerrejon Central and Oreganal. From 1995 - 2000, these were mainly controlled by Rio Tinto. In early 2000, Rio Tinto sold its stake to Billiton, which now controls the area in consortium with Anglo-American and Glencore. The mine at Oreganal has had similar impacts to the Intercor operations further north. At Viejo Oreganal, Rio Tinto, Billiton and Glencore bought up all the pasture land around the community and then started pressuring inhabitants one by one to sell up for similarly derisory prices to those offered at Tabaco. As soon as a villager sold up, the company would construct large earth banks around the property. These banks collected standing water and became breeding grounds for mosquitoes. The church, school and community centre were deliberately destroyed and left as standing shells. Meanwhile, mining operations and test drilling move ever closer to the community.

Resistance followed. A Relocation Committee was set up to demand land for land. The companies offered a compromise: they would pay for the construction of housing and infrastructure on land provided by the municipality (in this case, Barrancas), but housing would only be available to community members who already owned what the company considered to be a decent house, and land would only be available in the form of small back yards. Many community members accepted, for want of anything else on offer. A new village, Nuevo Oreganal, was constructed a few kilometres away. Others continue to resist by remaining in Viejo Oreganal, demanding an adequate relocation package. They are constantly harassed by company security patrols.

The Colombian State decided to invest in coal production in the early 1980s when the price of coal was high. Enormous quantities of public money were pumped into the infrastructure (especially rail construction) which Intercor needed to make Cerrejon Norte profitable. But because of its huge indebtedness, there was no way the Colombian State could recoup its costs during the projected fifty-year lifetime of the Cerrejon mining concessions. The sale of Carbocol last year was a response to pressure from the IMF to open up the Colombian economy to greater foreign corporate control and cut the State's losses. But Carbocol was sold at a fraction of its real value. The buyers now control coal exports which were expected to amount in 2000 to 5 million tonnes from the Oreganal/Cerrejon Central zone and half the total 15 million tonnes from the Cerrejon Norte zone - out of a Colombian total of 34.41 million tonnes.

The Thatcher government had a direct interest in the mining of Colombian coal. British government teams visited Colombia to look for coal before the Thatcher regime began its assault on British mining communities in the early 1980s. The destruction of these communities depended on the destruction of agricultural and fishing communities in Guajira. The British government wanted cheap coal and British miners' pay was too high. Coal from Guajira would be cheaper: costs could absorbed by villagers removed with inadequate compensation, workers who could be paid much less than British miners, and the Colombian government with its investment in infrastructure. The European Union imports over 70% of Colombia's coal, with Denmark, the Netherlands and Britain being among the biggest recipients. The privatisation of the British economy was assisted by Colombian coal. British workers, Colombian farmers and taxpayers and Wayuu communities paid the price."

Richard Solly, with assistance from Roger Moody, January 2001

* the state owned Carbocol 50% has since been bought out by the Anglo- American, Billiton, Glencore consortium.


On 24th July 2001 Exxon Mobil Corporation reported record second quarter 2001 earnings of $4,380 million, up $230 million from the second quarter of 2000.

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